French Communists Give Themselves One Year to Prepare Changes

“We’ve got one year, just one year to make a splash, to surprise people. We’ve got one year to match our doubts and our certainties with today’s world.” Those words, pronounced by Marie-George Buffet as she closed the general assembly of party section delegates, which was held on December 8-9 in downtown Paris, were an exact expression of the mood that the 1500 communist activists were in. In the vast hall, furnished with round tables to facilitate discussion, the dozens of men and women, who were elected directly by the party sections (1), each found, in his or her own way, words to express the urgency of the situation in which the communist party finds itself.

The PCF must move quickly.

“The question is whether the French Communist Party can survive,” “an existential crisis,” “a crisis of confidence,” “why are we in such a situation?” Reacting to the words of each speaker, the party activists focused on overcoming the feeling of helplessness caused by the calamitous presidential election results. “One point nine two percent – with such a vote, a party no longer counts in political life. It loses its credibility among the workers,” one delegate remarked. The communists intend to arrive at a diagnosis and to apply the right remedies. To begin with, as was underlined in the assignment for the party congress, which is to be held in one year, it will be necessary “to draw lessons from our failures and to undertake a thorough-going transformation of our concepts, organizational structure, and practices.” The process of change has begun. The leadership of the PCF estimated that 35,000 party members (out of a total of 130,000 dues-paying members) participated in local meetings to prepare the general assembly. The minutes of those meetings have been sent to party headquarters. The work of the general assembly was organized in such a way (with discussion in the plenary sessions and round-table talks involving groups of a dozen) as to allow everyone to express his or her point of view.

Highly Critical Communists.

“The process has been a truly democratic one, in an atmosphere of brotherhood and listening to one another,” a young activist said happily. The immense majority of the delegates were motivated by a desire to work together to find solutions to the party’s problems and to reinforce its unity. But there was no lack of criticism, which was often aimed at the national leadership, which was reproached for appearing to be divided and for failing to give political direction. “The play of political tendencies is paralyzing our leadership,” declared Patrice Bessac, the leader of the Party organization in Paris. Criticism was also expressed regarding the activities of the PCF over the past few years: the weakening of the rank-and-file organizations (the party cells) which have stretched, in many places to the breaking point, their links with the French people, the steady reduction of activity by communists in their places of work, and the absence of any real political or ideological training of the membership. Political scientists Marion Gretz, who was invited to address the general assembly, insisted on the need for the PCF to base itself on the social classes that are victims of free-trade policies.

The PCF’s project for society needs to be redefined.

But every delegate agreed that the organization’s failings reflect the lack of a clear, credible and mobilizing project for French society. Lionel Chabert, a Paris delegate, outlined the French political scene: On the one hand, Olivier Besancenot, who represents an appealing dissident but impotent political current, and on the other hand a Socialist Party which looks to the center-right Modem party. “But,” he deplored, “there is no big popular left-wing formation capable of making changes.” In the course of a round-table discussion, another activist offered this observation: “Activism feeds on a project in which you can invest for the long term, and on struggles that show fast results.” Communism is at the heart of this question. All of the delegates agreed that it remains relevant, but according to Jean-Marie Doussin, the secretary for the Seine-Saint-Denis organization, “it doesn’t go without saying that communism means the same thing to everybody.” Marie-George Buffet argued for “a communist vision freed from governmental and productivist considerations, a vision that can go beyond the mould of 1920.” She added: “Neither a sweet dream continually deferred, nor a past composed of crimes and disillusionment, but a road to get beyond capitalism and to free men and women from all forms of domination.”

Several delegates explained that the programs and propositions put forward by communists must be rooted in the party’s project for society. One delegate said that public services form part of the idea of common property that we advocate. An enormous amount of theoretical work must be done. A working group will be set up to conduct research work, to be done by communists together with those individuals and organizations which wish to help.

Every way forward is worth discussing.

“What kind of human existence do we want? What kind of society do we want? What organizational form is needed?” Those were the questions that the philosopher Jean-Louis Sagot-Duvauroux put to the communist activists. His third question gave rise to the most passionate, and to be frank, the most vehement discussion. One thing emerged from the debate: The great majority of the delegates want to continue the struggle for communism with the PCF, but they demand deep changes in their party – a metamorphosis, as one put it. But, at the same time, they did not accept the proposition advanced by several delegates, which was to limit the field of debate at the 2008 party congress to the renovation of the PCF, excluding the possibility of debating other options.

On that point, which was not one of the least important, the discussion on the morning of December 9 rose to a fever pitch, leading Marie-George Buffet to intervene in favor a completely free debate. Her position was shared by the great majority of the activists, who adopted it by a 72% favorable vote. (2)

(1) The delegates were elected directly by the section members, instead of being chosen indirectly at the level of the département (the French equivalent of a county).

(2) 1,179 voting delegates.

For : 852 (72.26 %).

Against : 240 (20.41 %). Abstentions : 86 (7.29 %).